Rethinking the European Integration Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2500 words - 2

Rethinking the European Integration - Essay Example European integration as it exists today is largely confined to the domain of economics. In other words, the dismantling of labor movement barriers between nations, the floating of a common currency, the adoption of common laws pertaining to trade and commerce, are all outside the purview of domestic/internal policy. To this extent, the constituent nations retain their cultural and social uniqueness, while still benefiting from new economic opportunities created within Europe. This essay will look into the advantages and challenges created by the process of integration by way of studying its various facets. Given the long history of war and conflict between European nations, there emerged a need for a strong commitment toward cooperation and mutual benefit. The first step toward this cooperative framework was initiated with the formation of Council of Europe and the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms in the year 1950. An impressive 40 European nations subscribed to the resolutions carried forward in the convention. Yet, the Council of Europe remained a peripheral institution as the continent was divided in two during the Cold War. It would be another forty years for the next significant step toward integration, which came with the fall of Berlin Wall in 1989 and with it the collapse of the Soviet Union. The commitment toward amicable relations within Europe resumed with the signing of Maastricht Treaty in 1993, which was further expanded in the Charter of Fundamental Rights in the year 2000. The Charter drew together â€Å"all EU-protected p ersonal, civil, political, economic, and social rights into a single text. But it goes beyond simply restating already respected human rights by addressing specifically modern issues such as bio-ethics and protecting personal information and data†. (Nagel, 2004)

North Carolina Drug Courts Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

North Carolina Drug Courts - Essay Example Therapeutic justice encourages Drug Courts’ judges to address the underlying issues that lead to drug abuse (Cooper & Knotts, 2008). Since their inception in the year 1989, more than ten thousand drug offenders have taken part in Drug Court programs nationwide, and about 71 percent offenders have completed Drug Court successfully or are still involved in Drug Court (Hennessy & Pallone, 2002). This paper looks into the North Carolina Drug Courts. The North Carolina Drug Treatment Courts (DTC) were established in the year 1995 by law to monitor and enhance treatment services’ provision to adult offenders who are chemically dependent while holding them strictly responsible for adhering to their treatment plans as ordered by the court. Presently, North Carolina has about forty-two operational Drug Treatment Courts, which serve approximately 33% of apt intermediate-level lawbreakers. In the year 2001, the Drug Treatment Courts were expanded to take in substance-dependent par ents of abused or neglected children as well as juvenile offenders addicted to drugs. In July of the year 2004, in an attempt to intervene actively and bring crime and addiction cycle to an end, North Carolina’s General Assembly defined DTCs as an Intermediate Sanction/punishment that is under the Structured Sentencing statute. As expected, intermediate sanction offers an efficient substitute to the range of graduated punishment between incarceration and probation. As a probation requirement, lawbreakers at the intermediate level who are sent to DTCs should abide by the rules of the program; turn up as required, in addition to participating in alcohol or drug treatment programs, court supervision, as well as drug testing or screening (Davis, 2009). The North Carolina Drug Treatment Courts seek to diminish the alcohol and other drug-linked court workload, decrease alcoholism as well as other dependencies on drugs among juvenile and adult defendants and offenders and amongst re spondents in juvenile appeals for neglect and/or abuse; and to diminish delinquent and criminal recidivism and child neglect and abuse incidences. They also aim to endorse effectual use and interaction of resources amid community agencies, personnel in criminal and juvenile justice, and child protective services agencies; and to enhance the societal, familial, and personal answerability of juvenile and adult lawbreakers and respondents and defendants in juvenile appeals for neglect and/or abuse. Concisely, DTC’s overall aim is to attain a considerable break of addiction cycle that brings about recurring incidents of breaking the law. By improving the prospects of the substance-driven lawbreaker to remain socially responsible and free of crime and drug, the courts seeks out the reduction of the health system, justice system, as well as additional societal costs linked with enduring involvement in criminal activities as well as the use of drugs (The North Carolina Court System, N.d). The courts started offering case-tracking and treatment services in the year 1996. In its thirteen judicial districts, the state of North Carolina runs seventeen treatment courts for adults. It also operates juveniles’ drug courts as well as family drug treatment courts for parents who are attempting to recover guardianship of their children. Adult defendants who have

Abuse & Fraud Essay Example for Free

Abuse Fraud Essay In the present health care system, hospital practitioner joint ventures make all the interested parties subject to a complex network of regulations and law and to the scrutiny by many federal agencies including:  ·Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   The United States Department of Health and Human services (HHS)  ·Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   The Office of the Inspector General (OIG)  ·Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   The Federal Bureau of Investigation and the General Accounting Office (GAO)  ·Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   The Federal Trade Commission (FTC)  ·Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   The department of Justice (DOJ)  ·Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   The Internal Revenue Service (IRS) In addition to this, many hospital financial managers must thoroughly understand the complex laws and regulations that normally affect their relationship with the physicians or doctors. The Medicaid and Medicare abuse and fraud statute provides that a person who willfully and knowingly pays, offers, receives or solicits any remuneration in exchange of referring a person to the for the furnishing of any service or item, or recommending any facility paid for in whole by Medicare shall be guilty of a felony (Goldsmith, 2010). In most cases, this provision is referred to as the ‘anti kickback statute’. Compensation is defined in this statute as including bribes, rebates, kickbacks whether made indirectly or directly, covertly or overtly, in kind or in cash (McWay, 2003). The penalties for violating the anti-kickback statute are quite severe and include criminal penalties, imprisonment for up to five years and fines of up to twenty five thousand dollars (Morrison, 2009). Additionally, the office of the Inspector General, which is the investigative agent for the HHS, has the authority to enforce money penalties on any violators and to prohibit them from participating in any medical programs (Bauman, 2002). Given the extent of the abuse and fraud statute, there are many details of the law that have been stipulated in the courts that have broadly interpreted the statute (Bauman, 2002). According to the Center for Medicare Medicaid services (2005), the leading cases indicate that if one several objectives of payments is to stimulate referrals, it is a violation of the abuse and fraud statute. Furthermore, when referrals must be the main reason of a transaction in orders to amount to a breach, referrals still need to be the sole purpose. In the year 1991, HHS released the safe harbor regulations that described eleven exemptions from the abuse and fraud statute (Altshuler, Creekpaum Fang, 2008). Furthermore, the arrangements that satisfy the safe harbor provisions are normally protected from the scrutiny. The vast majority of arrangements between different providers, suppliers and practitioners will normally fall outside of the safe harbors because it is somewhat difficult to structure the arrangements that comply with all the conditions of the drawn provisions (Bauman, 2002). For the medial practitioners who are unfamiliar with abuse and fraud law, the practical effect of the rules may hamper the development of some innovative arrangements and practices that can be beneficial to medical programs such as Medicaid and Medicare enrollees. In addition to this, the infinite majority of health providers, suppliers and physicians who serve people with Medicare are committed to providing high quality care to their patients as well as billing the medical program only for the payments that the physicians have earned (Bauman, 2002) Many health practitioners in the health industry are of the view that any kinds of arrangements that fall outside the safe harbor provisions are illegitimate (Altshuler, Creekpaum Fang, 2008). On the other hand, the failure to comply with these safe harbor provisions may signify that: The arrangement is not intended at all to stimulate the referral of business reimbursable under medical programs such as Medicaid or Medicare. The arrangement infringes the statute and does not meet the criteria for safe harbor protection. The arrangement may breach the statute in a less serious way. Discussion based on the applicable statutes, the Feldstein case and other cases The most known safe harbors mainly deal with investments by practitioners and providers. There are two safe harbors for investment interests: one for investments in large businesses and one for small businesses. In the large business safe harbor, the entity possesses over fifty million dollars in undepreciated net tangible assets, which are related to certain medical programs such as Medicaid. In the Feldstein’s case, there is an issue of whether physician or doctor recruitment can be immune from any legal attack because of a possible violation of abuse of laws and federal fraud. Unlike other abuse opinions and federal fraud cases, the facts of this case did not involve any kind of corruption. In addition to this, the facts of the Feldstein case are significant because they are a common occurrence in the medical field. Additionally, in this case, when the defendants acquired the control of the hospital, they had attempted to terminate the doctor’s contract because they were of the view that the doctor’s physician recruitment agreements had violated the federal fraud stipulations as well as abuse law. The doctor had refused to come to a settlement with the defendants and he then sued them for a breach of contract. In the court’s ruling, the court decided to decline all the recruitment arrangements illegal and stated that some arrangements may be permissible at some point. The issue of safe harbors arises in this point.

The European Union As A Military Power Politics Essay

The European Union As A Military Power Politics Essay Matter of security in Europe and security of Europe has always been at stake. According to Hanspeter Neuhold security is the preservation or protection of essential values overtime, now and in the future He stresses that no total security is possible, but rather what matters is an effectiveness of protection of values. Systems established in Europe so far are serving to the aim of effectiveness for now and in the future  [2]  . Yet, varying conceptualization of EU as a power can be met in ongoing discussions among scholars and experts. Besides defining EU as a normative and civilian power, in conceptualization of the EUs role in the international arena certain experts also argue that the EU is a military power.  [3]  For instance Hedley Bull referring to the debate on civilian vs. military power dismissed the idea of civilian power, naming it as a contradiction in terms. He argues that the capabilities of powers in the international system are rather defined by their military resources. His vision of the Community is that to become more self-sufficient in defense and security, among other things, it needs to improve its conventional forces.  [4]  However, others believe that although the military capabilities of the EU are increasing, the role of the EU in the international arena can hardly be identified as a military power. The formulation of norms and objectives of a civilian power are accompanied by cooperation in the military area and a step-by-step strengthening of the military (defense) capabilities o f the EU.  [5]  Yet, whether and to what extent the Union will use its military capacities to defend and promote its civilian and normative objectives need to be discussed in the light of the provision of the respective framework and institutions. This paper attempts to add a point of view in the discussion of the definition EU as a military power. It has an aim to look at the development of the EUs military capabilities and their functional purpose in order to present authors standpoint on the issue at stake. The author believes that in order to define the presence of military power in EU one has to analyze the nature of its military capabilities and their applications. It is also believed that up-to-date conceptualization of the term military power has not been well developed by scholars of the field and hence suggests theoretical vagueness in the definition itself. First section of the paper will look at the origins of formation of the EUs military capabilities in order to define the original nature of the EU military capabilities. Second chapter scrutinizes the political path of development of CFSP in the light of formation of the EUs military forces. Going beyond analysis of historical and political developments, third section of the paper tries to define current features of the EU that largely influence the security and defense policies lead and accordingly the use of military forces by the EU. In the conclusion the author proposes a conditional response to the main questions of the paper is EU a military power? Section I Political path of development of European Defense Policy One of the websites providing the viewpoint of scholars and politicians on the EUs role in the world provided that the Union has been called an emerging superpower by many academics. Scholars and academics like T.R. Reid, Andrew Reding, Mark Leonard, Jeremy Rifkin, John McCormick, and some politicians like Romano Prodi and Tony Blair either believe that the EU is, or will become, a superpower in the 21st century. According to David Miliband, UK Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs, however, the EU is not and never will be a superpower according to David Miliband.  [6]  Lacking a unified foreign policy and with an inability to project military power worldwide, the EU lacks the substance of superpower, who by definition have first of all military reach and possess the capacity to arrive quickly anywhere with troops that can impose their governments will.  [7]   Theoretical conceptualization of the EUs role in the international arena offered by scholars proposes three main dimensions: EU as normative power, EU as civilian power and EU is military power. From the first glance of debates and argument suggested one can assume that EU is largely defined as a normative power the force that is able to promote transformation of norms in the international system. Second popular definition in the debates is EU as civilian power the power that has rather civilian means and economic weight in the international arena and may influence the course of development by this means. This way EU as a military power stands on the third place in row of these three definitions, though it should to be recognized that in the debate of recent years this third definition was placed more often in the centre of discussions. Hedley Bull, Franà §ois Duchà ªne, Kenneth Twitchett, Hanns Maull, Karen Smith and Ian Manners are some of prominent authors involved in this deb ate. Although the end of Cold War was defined by some scholars as the end of hard power politics in international arena and the end of militarization of the international relations, the reality was different. Militarization of the international relations did not stop after the Cold War and the conflicts emerged in post-Soviet world did not reduce in number. The US, Russia, China had the same level of military budget and increased involvement in conflict zones worldwide. First and second Gulf wars, War in Yugoslavia and brutal conflicts in Africa demanded the same level of military capabilities from the international community. So was the reality in terms of militarization in Europe. The continent, that became stronger and survived from self-destruction after the WW II thanks to the economic integration and strengthening of its potential as a civilian power, had another additional focus in its development in post-Cold War period. Since TEU and Maastricht the course of development of defens e and security policies became one of the main priorities. After the war in Yugoslavia that proved inability of Europe to respond to crisis in its territory, this dimension of the EUs potential building was further strengthened. And this is the reason why today scholars question the civilian nature of the EU and bring a notion on military power in the person of the EU. From the perspective of theories of international relations the notions of military power are often defined in the realist and neo-realist accounts that were explaining the world of power politics and post WW II realities. However, as Ian Manners mentioned, traditions of just war and humanitarian intervention may alter these theoretical foundations in the post-Cold War international system. The same way, the notions of military power may need amendments to their conventional frames. In the scope of understanding of EUs role in the international arena we would like to refer for the purpose of this paper to the notion of military power that is given by Ian Manners. He argues that normative power should be differentiated from military power by the extent to which conflict conciliation processes are at work, i.e. whether these are through military actions or through changing the structures of conflict. Empirically, these two approaches can be differentiated in terms of whether conflict i s resolved through longer-term conciliation of the parties (i.e. changing the norm of conflict), or through shorter-term intervention in the conflict (i.e. changing the conflict itself).  [8]  Hence, given the nature of emergence and currents of EU military capabilities, we assume that defining the military power of the EU in terms of application of is military forces in the conflict reconciliation processes is one of possible ways of looking at the EUs nature as a possible military power. For developing this understanding it is crucial to see how EUs military capabilities have been developed and to what end they are aimed to be applied. Today the political cooperation in the framework of the EU is reflected in Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), which covers two main fields of cooperation foreign policy and security. However, the history of political union in Europe brought to formation of CFSP is much broader. To understand the development of CFSP one can divide the path of European political cooperation into two stages: 1. Stage of initial Political Union: European Defense Community and European Political Community; 2. Stage of foundation of CFSP and its functional mechanism 1. Stage of initial Political Union: European Defense Community and European Political Community The history of political unification of the community goes back to 50th, when immediately after initiation of the integration process in the framework of ECCS the idea of establishment of European Defense Community (EDC) came to the agenda (1952). In 1952 the Treaty on EDC was concluded. According to number of authors, most interesting part of the EDC was the consent of states to create European army under the control of supranational organization, which meant reducing of sovereignty and independence of the Community members. According to the Treaty EDC were to be subdivided into homogeneous national units with Community status  [9]  . Nevertheless, the role of NATO in this consideration was not excluded and was thought to have key role in providing security and defense in the continent. Yet, the Treaty failed because of the French parliaments position in 1954. At the same time, this Treaty also entitled the Assembly of ECSC to investigate possibilities for European Political Com munity. Draft treaty for the foundation of European Political Community (EPC) was elaborated, with the invitation of Council of Ministers by Consultative Assembly, after the Luxemburg decision of September 10, 1952.  [10]  EPC, designed in the manner of todays European Union, provided the process of integration with quasi-constitutional basis  [11]  . Art.5 of the Draft Treaty embodying the Statute of the European Community with strict language set that existing institutions shall constitute a single legal entity.  [12]  Being a legal entity means possession of personality. This part of the Statute differentiated EPC from the EU which lacks the legal personality today.  [13]  The community to be established would deepen the process of integration and meant that the founding idea has been reached. Yet, formal achievement of the goal failed again, due to resistance of France. Nonetheless, since then the idea of political integration was reconsidered for several times. Although in 1960 reconsideration by Fouchet Plan was unsuccessful and had no vivid results, in 1970 as the consequence of the suggestions made by Davignon Committee the idea was revived in the form of the institutionalized procedure  [14]  . These suggestions promoted intensification of cooperation in one of the key fields of political integration, namely f oreign affairs. This was the beginning of next stage European Political Cooperation (EPC). Formalization of EPC was realized by signature of Single European Act in 1986 in Luxembourg, art. 30 of which obliges states to inform and consult each other on foreign policy matters.  [15]  This was the first serious step towards the formalization of the EPC. In general, the Single European Act made EPC part of the integration, resulting in revival of political integration in very soft manner and including it at later stages into the Treaty of Maastricht under the title of Common Foreign and Security Policy. This way political cooperation was broadened with security issues and hence majority of decisions were possible in this field as well. To sum up this brief account, we can conclude that that the ancestors of CFSP were EDC, EPC and political cooperation. Two draft Treaties, respectively, on EDC and EPC, contained the part of legal history of CFSP. In the field of legalization a breakthrough took place in July 1987 with Single European Act entering into force. One interesting point in this process is that EDC was talking about the army and putting the Treaty itself under the jurisdiction of ECJ. Yet, it could not be done 40 years later by CFSP. Section II CFSP ERRF a new phase towards political union or a path of being a military power? 2. Stage of foundation of CFSP and its functional mechanism Second phase started with making special emphasis on foreign policy development and closer cooperation in this field during the Maastricht Treaty negotiations. Consequently, in the Treaty of European Union (TEU) the CFSP was included as the second pillar of the EU. TEU called for member states to consult on any matter of foreign and security policy of general interest in order to determine a common approach and provided that Member states shall ensure, through the convergence of their actions, that the Union is able to assert its interests and values on the international scene.  [16]  Moreover, the Maastricht Treaty made provisions for using the Western European Union (WEU) as the military arm of the EUs new Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), and declared that the CFSP would include the eventual framing of a common defence policy, which might in time lead to a common defense (Article J.4.1).  [17]  However, after the inclusion of CFSP into the TEU for some time there was a period of silence and no actions in practice were taken, though Europe was witnessing conflicts in its territories and its neighborhood. The main message was that the CFSP was established to address the issues of security on the whole continent. Yet, in the period of silence the general goals set in Petersberg in 1992 were not much realized in practice. During the time from 1992 to 1998 the whole process was characterized with inaction. Then the central question of debates suggested that though the name given to it was common security and foreign policy, the issue causing problems was defense. But, in this light there was and still is an existing guarantor of defense in Europe NATO. Article 24 (ex article 11 of TEU) of the consolidated version of TEU addressing defense implications of CFSP mentions that CFSP shall include the progressive framing of defense policy, which might led to common defense.  [18]  . Yet the TEU in another paragraph provides that the policy of the Union in accordance with this Article shall not prejudice the specific character of the security and defense policy of certain Member States and shall respect the obligations of certain Member States, which see their common defense realized in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), under the North Atlantic Treaty and be compatible with the common security and defense policy established within that framework.  [19]  This paragraph of the TEU illustrates that the document recognizes and to the extent states priority of NATO over CFSP in providing defense and security in Europe. Nonetheless, it was believed that to defend Europe through CFSP required formation of military forces. At the same time, although (1) humanitarian and rescue tasks; (2) peacekeeping tasks; (3) tasks of combat forces in crisis management, including peacemaking were defined as the tasks for military troops by Petersberg Tasks  [20]  , TEU did not have a specific provision on formation of possible armed forces of the Union. Hence, the only instrument was summits of heads of states that could be concluded with decisive and concrete declaration on this matter and so provide steps forward in this direction. In the result of lengthy debates on granting Europe autonomy in the military and defense matters, in 1998 heads of states of Britain and France met in St-Malo. This summit can be outlined as one of those that played a decisive role in drawing the principles of future activities under Title V of TEU. As the result of the British-French Summit, well known St-Malo declaration was adopted. This declaration recognized .the capacity of autonomous action, backed up by credible military forces and stated that military forces should be supported by a strong and competitive European defense industry and technology.  [21]  But this proposed autonomy was rather restricted by the power of NATO. Declaration also provided: Europe can make its voice heard in world affairs, while acting in conformity with our respective obligations in NATO   [22]  This became another statement providing that NATO would have priority in maintaining security and leading defense policy in the continent. On the other hand, circumstantial factors have been significantly influencing the path of development of the EUs own military capabilities. Particularly the war in Yugoslavia became one of the key influencing factors. After the so called humanitarian intervention was realized in Yugoslavia by NATO forces, Europe, facing its own inability to take action for conflict prevention in its territory, started elaborations on possible implementation of Petersberg tasks and particularly principles of St-Malo Declaration. We may assume that in this elaborations NATO was perceived by the EU as a competitor, although its role in providing European security has been central for more then 50 years. Nonetheless, it was definitive that CSFP could not take the place of NATO in the matters on its competence. One of the first steps forward in this path was Cologne Summit in June of 1999. Cologne European Council in its Declaration on strengthening the common European policy on security and defense decided that to this end, the Union must have the capacity for autonomous action, backed up by credible military forces, the means to decide to use them, and a readiness to do so, in order to respond to international crises.  [23]  Moreover, decision of the Summit gave a mandate to European Council to strengthen the CFSP. In its Declaration on strengthening the common European policy on security and defense, the Cologne European Council agreed to transfer from Western European Union (WEU) to the European Union (EU) the responsibility of decision-making and the capacity for action in the area of the Petersberg tasks.  [24]  Underlying the need for military forces, Cologne Declaration also identified main features of future activities as deployability, sustainability, interoperability, fle xibility and mobility  [25]  . Yet two aspects of the overall message of the Declaration were particularly significant for the issue of our discussion. Firstly, it did not necessarily specify military forces as a common army of the Union as it is conventionally understood. Secondly, it determined that the Atlantic Alliance remains as a foundation of the collective defense of its members, thus excluding determination of NATO as a foundation of collective defense of Europe. By this point the EU has shaped its attitude to NATO in terms of using its military capabilities, declaring that communities defense is not provided by NATO, which ensures rather defense of its members. Cologne in the result became one of the key EU council meetings that according to Bono Giovanno was an expression of desire of the EU to develop military and civilian capabilities to project its power regionally and globally, potentially autonomous from NATO  [26]  . Next important shaping Summit was the Helsinki Council of 10-11 December 1999. By its declaration the Helsinki Council agreed that the objective for the Union was to have an autonomous capacity to take decisions, and where NATO as a whole is not engaged to launch EU-led military operations in response to international crisis.  [27]  It introduced Political and Security Committee as an institution. Moreover, it created Military Committee as a supporting unit for Political and Security Council. Also it was in Helsinki that the post of High Representative for CFSP had been introduced. Furthermore, if in St-Malo and Cologne the intention of capable military forces were resolved with final documents, Helsinki meeting drew schema for the military forces including contingent, size and minimum period of sustainability naming it European Rapid Reaction Forces.  [28]  Generally, it was concluded that the formation of forces will need to be accomplished in 2003. This way, Cologne and He lsinki Conclusions laid first stones to the foundation of ESDP and to the formation of European Military Forces. Yet, although commitment on establishment of ERRF and ESDP was clearly made in the results of St-Malo, Cologne and Helsinki, the autonomy of the EU military capability could not be fully established. Already in one of the next meetings in Feira in June 2000 it was again declared that Council should establish a framework of cooperation with NATO. Feira Declaration mentioned that, Council has identified the principles on the basis which consultation and cooperation with NATO should be developed  [29]  . This was certainly connected to the fact that EU members had already military commitments as NATO members with the organization that is supposed to provide European defense. However, in general, the processes outlined above through the row of summits illustrate that EU was determined to take measures for implementation of Petersberg tasks and to form the autonomous military forces to respond to emergency and crisis situations in its territory and neighborhood. So, at later stages in the framework of Capabilities Commitment Conference (CCC) the EU identified details of functional mechanism of its military forces, where the clear picture of ERRF had been drawn. On 20-21 November at CCC in Brussels, states agreed to 100 000 persons and approximately 400 combat aircraft and 100 vessels, though the question was still whether this was a real army of the Union.  [30]   Interestingly enough answer to this question was given in European Council in Nice in December 2000. Declaration of this meeting declared that the European Union will be able to carry out the full range of Petersberg tasks which does not involve the establishment of European army.  [31]  Thus, it was announced that the EU military forces are not an army, but rather an ad hoc forces that are aimed to address concrete missions and respond to crisis situations. Firstly ad hoc forces were established and brought in action in 2003, when NATO forces were replaced by ERRF in Macedonia, which became the first military deployment of EU forces.  [32]   Further development in establishment of EU military forces was formation of Battle Groups based on the adopted headline goals 2010 in 2004. The decision taken created the EU Battle Groups whose duty was to provide rapid reaction in emergency situations within 5 days and to complete missions of at least 30 days with a maximum number of 1,500 men.  [33]  It is argued that the need is defined by Unions willingness to lead more than one crisis management operation simultaneously. In the result Battle Groups became an additional part of the EU military forces, but did not still transfer the EU military capabilities into EUs army. Nonetheless, following the establishment of ERRF and Battle groups the ESDP missions deployed after 2004 became illustration of the EUs ability to accommodate the goals defined in the TEU (under Petersberg Tasks) and take quick actions in response to emergency situation in the high military level. As former EU HR for the Common Security and Foreign Policy Javier Solana underlined in one of his remarks by above-mentioned actions the EU has proved the credibility of its military capability on the ground in Africa, in Congo and Chad and now is proving it everyday in the difficult waters off Somalia.  [34]   Thus, we can assume that, all in all crisis management operations, originally described as one of the areas covered by the Petersberg Tasks, have been identified in the result of dynamic and stable cooperation since 1998 as the area in which the EU military forces found their main occupation and effective usage. Originally described in Amsterdam Treaty in 1997, crisis management mandate was confirmed in the Treaty of Nice (2000), elaborated later in rather wider detail in the European Strategy Security (ESS) in 2003 and, finally, recognized in the Lisbon Treaty (2007).  [35]   Two general conclusions can be drawn based on the above outlined process of formation of the EUs military capabilities. Firstly, formation of EU CFSP and its own military forces (ERRF and Battle Groups) have been successful due to stable and structured cooperation intensified in 1998 that, at the same time, have had influence of certain circumstantial factors triggered by the realities of post-Cold War international system. Secondly, in the process of establishment of EU military capabilities NATO has still been viewed as a strong competitor that made the Union to form its own potential taking always into account the presence of already existing military alliance. This way, the process of formation of EUs military capabilities has been accompanied by certain institutional and political restrictions that have shaped the CFSP and its up-to-date functional mechanism (ESDP). Section III Purpose, unanimity and global dimension of the EU security policies If the above brought paragraphs demonstrate that in the result of stabile and structure cooperation the path towards strengthening political union ended in the direction of establishing own military forces of the Union, thus making the EU stronger in terms of common policy in security and defense dimensions, the question that occurs is whether this development sufficient for defining the EU as a military power. There is no doubt that the emergence of ERRF as a functional mechanism of EU common security and defense policy significantly extended the political competence of the EU as a Union of states. Yet it could not provide the EU with full capacity of being unitary actor in terms of its defense policy and military capacities. Several aspects deserve particular attention in developing further discussion about the role of military capabilities of the EU in the conceptualization of the Union as military power. Firstly, the purpose of established military forces, namely ERRF should be scrutinized in order to define the EUs competence as an actor both internal and external, as in theoretical terms military power is and instrument for internal and external policies. European Security Strategy identifies the general reason for establishment of ERRF and Battle groups. It declares: Our traditional concept of self- defense up to and including the Cold War was based on the threat of invasion. With the new threats, the first line of defense will often be abroad. The new threats are dynamic.  [36]  Furthermore, the field of application of ERRF and Battle Groups was defined in the framework of Petersberg Tasks that include humanitarian and rescue tasks, peacekeeping and combat forces in crisis management. Moreover, if we look at the overview of ESDP missions we can see that objectives of the military forces are formed on a case by case basis depending on an operations and missions abroad. For i nstance, the EU military missions (apart from civilian ESDP missions) have largely peace-enforcement and peacekeeping mandates and are used most of the time as an instrument of quick response to humanitarian emergencies. Majority of missions in Africa for instance aimed at peace building and peace enforcement by use of military capabilities of the EU. Secondly, the EU in becoming power and launching missions depends on member-states willingness and policy priorities. It has been not once mentioned by various authors that CFSP and defense policy has a distinctive feature in comparison to Unions policies in economic and social field that have greater unanimity. It is largely argued that another fact that, for now, impedes the effectiveness of the CFSP is the unwillingness of the me

A Liberal Arts Education :: essays research papers

A Liberal Arts Education   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  A liberal arts education provides students with a broad spectrum of information enabling them to expand knowledge and to advance society in a positive direction. This universal education provides a strong foundation of knowledge in many subjects. The students can observe the strengths and capabilities, as well as the limitations of each field of study. This allows the students to find connections between diverse fields of study, to explore them, and to discover new theories, thoughts, or inventions. It allows the students to investigate areas of intrigue and create new fields of study by blending subjects that compliment each other. With these new inventions, discoveries, ideas, and new methods of problem solving, society will advance in a positive direction. Standards of living will rise with these inventions and discoveries, making society more productive and more capable of controlling its surroundings. New thoughts and theories will give insight to those who desire meaning and understanding of concepts. A liberal arts education provides a strong foundation of knowledge in many fields and subjects allowing students to create new theories, inventions, and connections between fields. With this foundation, great thinkers can build and expand from what others have learned rather than wasting time and effort on what has already been discovered. While it is true that the factual information about each subject is very important, the most useful tool liberal arts students can possess is the knowledge of the strengths and capabilities of each individual field, as well as the weaknesses and restrictions. With this knowledge, the students can mesh attributes of different subjects to formulate new and more brilliant concepts; the brilliance being a function of the strengths and compatibility of the chosen subjects. As in mixing colors, a new color can only be created by mixing different colors. The brilliance of this new color depends on the shades and hues of the colors used to create it. The same is true for education. The resulting idea or innovation is a function of the aptness and compatibility of the subjects meshed to create it. For example, the invention of the transistor, one of the most important electronic devices, was developed by a team of research specialists. Specialized mathematicians, scientists, physicists, and engineers all worked together to find a quicker, more efficient way to process the overload of telephone calls. The leaders of this research team had to be highly educated in every one of those fields of study, as well as language. They had to practically translate the technical terms of each field to the other team members so each one understood the A Liberal Arts Education :: essays research papers A Liberal Arts Education   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  A liberal arts education provides students with a broad spectrum of information enabling them to expand knowledge and to advance society in a positive direction. This universal education provides a strong foundation of knowledge in many subjects. The students can observe the strengths and capabilities, as well as the limitations of each field of study. This allows the students to find connections between diverse fields of study, to explore them, and to discover new theories, thoughts, or inventions. It allows the students to investigate areas of intrigue and create new fields of study by blending subjects that compliment each other. With these new inventions, discoveries, ideas, and new methods of problem solving, society will advance in a positive direction. Standards of living will rise with these inventions and discoveries, making society more productive and more capable of controlling its surroundings. New thoughts and theories will give insight to those who desire meaning and understanding of concepts. A liberal arts education provides a strong foundation of knowledge in many fields and subjects allowing students to create new theories, inventions, and connections between fields. With this foundation, great thinkers can build and expand from what others have learned rather than wasting time and effort on what has already been discovered. While it is true that the factual information about each subject is very important, the most useful tool liberal arts students can possess is the knowledge of the strengths and capabilities of each individual field, as well as the weaknesses and restrictions. With this knowledge, the students can mesh attributes of different subjects to formulate new and more brilliant concepts; the brilliance being a function of the strengths and compatibility of the chosen subjects. As in mixing colors, a new color can only be created by mixing different colors. The brilliance of this new color depends on the shades and hues of the colors used to create it. The same is true for education. The resulting idea or innovation is a function of the aptness and compatibility of the subjects meshed to create it. For example, the invention of the transistor, one of the most important electronic devices, was developed by a team of research specialists. Specialized mathematicians, scientists, physicists, and engineers all worked together to find a quicker, more efficient way to process the overload of telephone calls. The leaders of this research team had to be highly educated in every one of those fields of study, as well as language. They had to practically translate the technical terms of each field to the other team members so each one understood the

The Relationship Between Political Processes and Science Essay

The political processes involved in the production of scientific facts and technology continues to be misrepresented and underemphasised in contemporary academic and wider public discourse. This is evident when considering the approaches employed by historians, philosophers and commentators when interpreting past revolutions, paradigm shifts and controversies in science. In this failure to account for the intrinsic association of politics, scientific facts and technology, it has led to the problematic distortion of how science relates to society and operates as an institution. Several assumptions are often made about science, for example the existence of an objective ‘scientific method’. Naà ¯ve inductivists who maintain this view claim that â€Å"science starts with observation†, and secondly that â€Å"observation yields a secure basis from which knowledge can be derived† (Chalmers, 1982, p. 22). This standard model of science raises much concern as it negates to account for the complex nature of observation. Firstly, Gestalt imagery demonstrates the variety of distinct meanings which can be extrapolated from one image and so a variety of stimuli. Secondly, the standard story of ‘scientific method’ through observation is weakened when considering the importance of ‘gaps’ within science, shown through the Solar Neutrino case study. Scientists observed the activity of solar neutrinos and in 1967, when data begun to transpire, inconsistencies were noticed which defied their predictions. There were disagr eements concerning the reading of the results and from 1968 to 1978 the scientific community continued in their attempt to resolve the ‘gaps’. A crucial question arises, which interpretation of the image or data is ‘correct’ or ‘legitimate’... ...999, p. 17 - Bishop, J. and Landell-Mills, N., ‘Forest Environmental Services: An Overview’ in Selling Forest Environmental Services: Market-based mechanisms for conservation and development, Earthscan, London 2002, p. 30 - Ede, A. and Cormac, L., A History of Science in Society: From Philosophy to Utility, Broadview Press, Ontario, 2004, p. 209 - Kill, J., ‘The Scientific Uncertainty of Carbon Sinks’ & ‘Why Carbon Sinks Won’t Help Stop Forest Destruction’ in Sinks in the Kyoto Protocol: A dirty deal for forests, forest peoples and the climate, FERN, 2001, p, 9 - Kuhn, T., The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, The University of Chicago Press, 1996, p. 56 - Pinch, T. J. and Bijker, W. E., ‘The Social Construction of Facts and Artefacts’ in The Social Construction of Technological Systems, ed. W. E. Bijker, T. P. Hughes and T. J. Pinch, MIT Press, 1987, p. 19

Digital Bangladesh Essay

Introduction: digital Bangladesh is a new world, a new concept, a new dream. Bangladesh is now resounding with the aim of achieving digital Bangladesh. Our present prime minister, Sheikh Hasina, in their election manifesto of 2008 declared to build up Bangladesh as a digital one by 2021. Since then this concept has become almost a lip-word with the people of Bangladesh. Meaning of digital Bangladesh: our life today is governed by the offshoots of science. Science has ushered in new era in the history of human civilization. Computer invention is the most determining factor in the respect. It has brought about a revolutionary change on the face of the global world. This change has been possible through the information technology (it) based on computer-internet system. The micro-electronic system through which all sorts of information are collected. Assimilated, preserved, processed and transmitted is known as â€Å"information technology†. This information technology or computer & internet based Bangladesh is called a digital Bangladesh. Necessity in Bangladesh: ours is a developing country. We a achieved independence in 1971 after a bloody liberation war. Science then began the campaign of building up the war-shattered Bangladesh as a Bangla of gold. But it is a matter of great sorrow that we have not been able to cross just the stage of a developing country even after the lapse of a long period of 38 years of liberation. No expected development has yet been achieved. The main causes are: laziness, lack of morality, tendency to make more talks than work, lack of tendency to go ahead with the advanced technology etc. The gradual connection of the digital system in all the activities of Bangladesh, if possible, may give birth to a digital Bangladesh. This perspective plan can be brought into reality only when the important places of the country can be brought under control by setting us CCTV camera based on the computer-election campaign through video conferences as a part of her dream of building up digital Bangladesh. We can apply digital system in the following sectors of our national life. Educational sector: education is the backbo ne of a nation. So we must put our first priority on education sector with a view to establishing a digital Bangladesh. We can make video of teacher’s lectures of speeches and display them on the white screens before the learner. Read more: Essay on Liberation War of Bangladesh A learner can receive education sitting in his house. Medical sector: medical facilities are one of the basic needs of human beings. Modern science has given birth to a new  world in the field of medical treatment. If the internet connection can be spread widely, a patient can receive prescription of medicine without appearing before a physician by paying offers through online banking system. Agricultural sector: ours is an ago-based country. More than 80% of the people of our country are dependent on agriculture for their livelihood. But they are ignorant of the more method of cultivation whereas the developed countries of the world have championed in this fields by using the boons of mechanized method of cultivation. Administrative sector: most of the offices of our country are extremely sluggish in work and life in wait for taking bribes by holding up work days after days. We can make the administration dynamic, work-oriented and free from corruption by setting up CCTV camera th rough computer-internet system. Security sector: security is a must in every sphere of our national life. No national can expect to advance without having a well-founded security system. It can be made possible by setting up CCTV camera through computer internet system. This system will help us detect the miscreant event after ling period of their occurrence of mischief’s. Buying and selling sector: buying and selling are our every-days matter. Everyday we go to markets or shopping malls to make purchase of different essential things of our daily life. If the computer network can be spread widely, we shall be able to make our necessary purchases by staying in our house. Not only in the native land, can it be extended even to the foreign countries by making payments through credit cards. Communication sector: â€Å"transport is civilization† –goes a wise saying. It is not possible to make all round development without having a good and dynamic communication system in the country. At present, many a thing of communication affairs is Bering controlled through computer-internet system. We can also bring the whole country within the reach of our hands through this system. Publication sector: we cannot think of publication books today without the help of computer network. The computer system has already been introduced in our publication industry. Earlier, the booed which took at least two months to be published, now that blood can be published within two days. Newspaper sector: computer network is now being used in publishing newspapers on a large scale. Now a newspaper is being published in different regions of the country simultaneously. So newspapers are no more sent to Chittagong, khulna, Rajshahi or sleet from  Dhaka by transport. Especially tins system is being followed in case of first call news papers. Recreation sector: recreation sources are badly needed for the modern mechanized hard-field of recreation. We can enjoy different sorts of amusements including different games and film shows. We can now know the results of the games which are going on overseas within a moment through internet. Banking sector: computer network has given a new impetus in the banking sector. It has made banking sector mere dynamic than ever before. Online system has already been introduced in many banking institutions. Now we no more nee d carry cash money with us to the remotest regions of the country. If this system can be introduced in all banking institutions in our country, Bangladesh will be able to step into a digital one. Setting up online information center: the information services of different public and private sector can be made reach to the door-step of the people by setting up online information centers. Then people will be able to collect different data or information from this information center. Not only that they will be able to know about the final institutional conditions and position. Conclusion: it is said â€Å"hope springs eternal in the human breast† we also hope that we shall be able to turn our war-shattered country into a digital Bangladesh by bringing about an all round development through all-out efforts of people of a all walks of life. We are very hopeful to learn that the daily Jougantor and the Cambrian college have jointly taken a gigantic to set up digital campus all over the country with the Sklogan.